Foreword to the 1979
Both of us who wrote Poisoned Power find ourselves heartsick that it took a near-disaster for the American people to learn all the things which we described in this book eight years ago. There is nothing in Poisoned Power which is out-of-date, except for the names of a few characters in the shabby nuclear energy charade. Huge quantities of hydrogen were generated in the recent Three Mile Island nuclear plant accident. A hydrogen explosion did indeed occur. It is largely a matter of luck that the hydrogen explosion was not much larger, considering the amount of hydrogen generated. Under slightly altered circumstances, the explosion could have ruptured the containment vessel or have led to a far more severe disruption of the reactor itself, in either case with possible release of massive quantities of radioactive poisons. Yet, ever since the accident, the nuclear industry propagandists have been congratulating themselves on the fact that it was just a near-disaster and that tens or hundreds of thousands of people were not killed. But an actual disaster was prevented by a simple quirk of fate—when and how the hydrogen explosion occurred—and not by their engineering skills nor by their "defense in depth." It is now clear to most Americans that the nuclear emperor is wearing no clothes. Those Americans who did read Poisoned Power knew this, and much more, long ago. While it is sad that we have waited so long to rid America of this monstrous aberration of technology, at least there is a better chance of doing so now, before many more Americans of this and future generations are condemned to miserable deaths. This book is about health—the health of this and future generations. It is about the lies, the cover-ups, and the callousness of those who are willing to trick you into accepting nuclear power so that they (or their bosses) can make money or expand a bureaucratic empire, even though their activity kills people. Nuclear power is not the only enterprise imposing on your health, but if allowed to proceed unchecked, it surely will lead ultimately to setting back public health by hundreds of years. And the public health disaster will then be irreversible because once the radioactive poisons are let loose into the environment, there is no way of bringing them back under control. The Three Mile Island accident has left tremendous numbers of Americans interested in, and anxious to know about, how radiation affects health. This book provides a simple and clear explanation. In addition, it exposes the moral corruption of scientists, lawyers, physicians, industrialists, and government leaders in attempting to deceive the public into believing that there exists such a thing as a "safe," "permissible," or "allowable" dose of radiation which will do no harm. This book tells the reader why cancer and leukemia risks are increased even with the smallest dose of radiation. The so-called permissible dose of radiation, for nuclear workers or for the public at large, represents only a legalized permit for the nuclear industry to commit random, premeditated murders upon the American population. Following the crimes of the Nazis in the early 1940s, the Nuremberg Trials were held. There, it was declared for all the world to know that individuals must be held personally responsible for crimes against humanity and that it is not acceptable to say, "I was only following orders," or "I was only following government laws and policies." Experimentation on humans without their knowledge or consent is obviously a crime. There can be no doubt that the promoters of nuclear power—be they engineers, politicians, or scientists—are indeed committing these crimes against humanity. Americans would be justified in demanding that Nuremberg-type trials be held for these individuals. Violating the Inalienable Right to Life The charge that nuclear power promotion represents a crime against humanity is a serious one indeed. We do not make this charge lightly. So we must explain further. After Three Mile Island, all Americans witnessed the efforts of government and industry officials to say that the amount of radiation inflicted on people in the area caused no injuries or deaths. This is an absolute lie, as you will understand after reading this book. You will realize that we do indeed know the effects of so-called "low" doses of radiation. However, we shall never know exactly how many people will die of premature cancer and leukemia from the Three Mile Island accident because in the critical first few days there were no radiation monitors in many of the areas where people live. The few monitors right around the plant and the few measurements from airplanes represent a travesty upon honest monitoring. Believe it or not, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) permits giant nuclear plants to operate without having monitors installed and operating at all times in every populated area within 50 miles of the plants. Consequently, during an accident, there can be no way for people to evaluate the danger they are in, no way for them to decide whether or not to stay. But the no-monitor policy is no accident, for it helps to protect the utilities from lawsuits for personal injury. The number of premature deaths caused by the Three Mile Island accident will be no fewer than six. The number could easily be 60, or 600, for the doses could well be 100 times higher than the government estimates. And all the while, the industry and government officials lie to the American people, saying there was "no injury to people." There are two possible ways to describe the motives of the promoters of nuclear power, yet either way makes them indictable for crimes against humanity. First, let us assume that they really are ignorant about existing knowledge of the effects of "low" doses of radiation when they say, "We don't really know yet about the effects of `low' doses of radiation." In that case, these promoters of nuclear power are saying in effect, "Expose people first; learn the effects later." There is only one description for such planned mass experimentation on humans—moral depravity. And such experimentation with "low" doses of radiation can produce irreversible effects not only on this generation, but upon countless future generations of humans who have no voice, no choice. If that is not a crime against humanity, what is? Alternatively, let us assume that they truly do know the facts about fatal injury from "low" doses of radiation, and yet they are still willing to promote nuclear power. In this case, the charge is not experimentation upon humans, but rather it is planned, random murder. The crime of murder is perhaps worse than the crime of experimentation. And it is not only "low" doses of radiation, with their delayed effects, which are at issue. We could have had high, massive doses of radiation affecting hundreds of thousands of humans from the Three Mile Island accident, and that would have meant massive numbers of deaths, not later from cancer, but sooner from the agony of acute radiation sickness. Yet the President of the United States, Jimmy Carter, urges that we go ahead with nuclear power even faster than before. He urges this with his accelerated licensing bill even as he is appointing a committee to figure out why the accident occurred. Obviously, his philosophy is also experimentation on humans. "Expose first; learn later." The clamor of the nuclear industry to go full speed ahead, the clamor of the Carter-and-Schlesinger mentalities to go full speed ahead with nuclear power since we happened to escape a full-scale disaster at Three Mile Island, should teach the American people that nuclear power promoters are intent on "going for the Big Apple" before they will quit. Too much money is at stake. Nothing short of the loss of a major city—a New York, or Philadelphia, or Chicago, or Boston—will make them feel remorse. But they can be stopped, with a very simple campaign. Revolt of the Guinea Pigs The pollsters are reporting that even after Three Mile Island, most people still believe we need nuclear power for the economy and still favor going ahead with it—provided the plants are near someone else. The willingness to risk killing other people in order to get what you think you need (nuclear power) is, of course, morally bankrupt and no different from the position of the active promoters. Nevertheless, we are sure the pollsters would get a different answer if they were to ask people: "If you had proof that neither the government nor the nuclear power industry believes in the safety of nuclear plants, would you still favor going ahead with nuclear power?" The evidence that neither government nor industry believes in the safety of nukes is the Price-Anderson Act, a law which is explained in this book. Utility officials told Congress that if they had to take financial responsibility for the death and havoc which their nukes might create, they would not build a single one. So Congress agreed that utility stockholders should not have to gamble on the safety of nukes, and in 1957, Congress passed the Price-Anderson Act which says that the public will pay for the havoc. In 1967, when the utilities said that they would not go ahead unless the act were renewed, Congress renewed it. And in 1975, when the utilities said they could not afford to go ahead unless the law was renewed again, guess what! Congress renewed it for them. The evidence is clear: utilities and Congress have no confidence in the safety of nukes. Utilities are willing to risk your lives and your property on nuclear power, but they are not willing to risk their dollars. And so the most dangerous industry ever conceived is permitted by Congress to operate without even the normal restraint on reckless activity, namely the financial responsibility for the injury and damage caused by such activity. Obviously Congress has always thought that this is the treatment the American people deserve. People who are sick about being used as guinea pigs had better start the 1980 campaign now. We urge 100 million Americans to tell their senators and representatives, "You sponsor repeal of the Price-Anderson Act now, or we are starting the campaign against you right now." When the Price-Anderson Act is repealed and the utility companies, their suppliers, like Westinghouse and General Electric, and the banks have their own dollars gambled on the line for nuclear power, we will soon see how much confidence those in the nuclear power industry truly have in the safety of nuclear power. We predict this simple campaign can persuade the industry to "phase out" nuclear power about 24 hours after repeal of that law. "But we need the power . . ." Lastly, we must deal with the economic blackmail being used to bludgeon Americans into accepting nuclear power. "It is either nuclear power, or starving in the dark," say the promoters of nuclear power. They lie like carpets. We can say, with great assurance, that nuclear power itself is the greatest threat to our energy supply, to the health of our economy, and to employment for our people. If we stopped pouring funds down the rathole of nuclear power, the money would be available to stimulate bigger and cheaper sources of clean energy which are benign and which would be a real boon to our economy. We now have the equivalent of 50 giant nukes which are operable (sometimes) in this country. This book tells you about two simple, proven resources of additional energy, ready to "go" quickly, which would be equivalent to over 600 giant nukes (See page 206.) If there is one thing we do not have to worry about, it is that banning nuclear power will hurt either our energy supply or our economy. Nuclear power today provides about 12 percent of our electricity, but since electricity accounts for only a fraction of our energy, nuclear power is really supplying only 3½ percent of our total energy today. It is trivial. Nuclear power is not necessary, it never has been necessary, and it never will be necessary. How to Make Sense of "Millirems" and "Picocuries" Virtually all Americans have heard by now of the "millirem" in news reports about the radiation doses received by people near the Three Mile Island plant. On page 44 of this book, it is pointed out that, for the kinds of radiation inflicted by that accident, the millirem is the same as the millirad—the unit used in this book. It is a simple calculation indeed to estimate the number of fatal cancers and leukemias which are produced by any nuclear accident, provided we know the dose received. The process, which is explained in the following paragraphs, can be summarized in a glance by a single equation: |
(# of rems) (# of persons exposed) # of deaths ----------- X (# of hours) X ---------------------- X (1 death) = which will hour 300 person-rems occur later |