Professor Ilan Pappé is the best known member of
Israel’s generation of “new historians.” They
have been rewriting the history of Israel’s founding in
1948. Thanks to the declassification of British and Israeli
documents in the 1980s Pappé has dedicated himself to
exposing the myth around what Israel calls its war of
independence. That war led to the ethnic cleansing of three
quarter of a million Palestinians and the destruction of over 500
of their villages in what is now Israel.
That’s described in Pappé’s seminal book,
The
Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, published in 2006 while
he was chair of the Institute for Palestinian and Israeli Studies
at Haifa University. The publication led to personal attacks on
him in the Israeli Knesset and in Israel’s academia. After
threats on his person, Pappé left Israel in 2008 and was
welcomed at the University of Exeter in Britain. There he is
currently
the
Director of the University’s European Center
for Palestine Studies.
Pappé says that reconciliation between Palestinians and
Israelis in a future peace process must be based on an
investigation of war crimes committed by Israel in 1948.
Pappé supports the BDS (Boycott, Divestment and
Sanctions) movement for an
economic and political boycott of Israel. He believes boycotts
are justified because, “the Israeli occupation is a dynamic
process and becomes worse with each passing day.” He hopes
to see “a historical movement similar to the anti-apartheid
campaign against the white supremacist regime in South Africa.
[This] ... can move us forward along the only remaining viable
and non-violent road to saving both Palestinians and Israelis
from an impending catastrophe.”
At the time of partition, the Jewish population owned less than
6% of Palestine. When Israel declared its
“independence,” in 1948 it came into existence on 78
percent of historic Palestine, a percentage it has steadily
increased in subsequent years, a process that continues today.
In 1967, Israel occupied the remaining 22% of historic Palestine:
the West Bank and Gaza (as well as large sections of Syria and
Egypt). Since then, through financial incentives, Israel has
encouraged its citizens and Jewish immigrants from abroad to move
into occupied Palestine, creating exclusively Jewish
“settlements” which are illegal according to the Fourth
Geneva Convention. Today 40% of the Palestinian West Bank is
off-limits to Palestinians.
As of December 2015, about 800,000 Israeli Jews resided over the
1949 Armistice Lines. That’s the West Bank including
predominantly Palestinian East-Jerusalem where the building of
new Jewish housing and the expulsion of Palestinians have
provoked international criticism as well as from the White House.
(The current Palestinian population of the West Bank is estimated
to be 2.7 million.)
While still living in Israel, Pappé initiated the annual
Israeli Right of Return conferences. They called for the
unconditional right of return of Palestinian refugees who were
expelled in 1948; many of them still live in refugee camps in
Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria; but they have not given up hope of
returning to their homeland.
For all this Ilan Pappé has not only been attacked but has
gained the respect of the younger generation of activists and
that of notable writers, among them the international journalist
and film maker John Pilger.
Pilger calls him, “Israel’s bravest, most principled,
most incisive historian.” And Noam Chomsky recently
co-wrote a book with Pappé: Gaza in Crisis: Reflections
on Israel’s War Against the Palestinians. (2010).
The May 2016 speech by Ilan Pappé: Palestine is Still the
Issue, that you are about to hear, explains Pappé’s
positions including his remedy. Far from being despondent about
the state of the so-called peace process between Palestinians and
Israelis, Ilan Pappé—on this issue as well as on war
crimes, the boycott of Israel and Palestinian and the right of
return—offers a very principled solution.
Since Israel has already annexed almost all of Palestine, there
is no longer an option for a two state solution. Pappé
says the solution is One State for all its inhabitants and he
lays out some of the basics.
Ilan Pappé spoke on May 2, 2016, at the First
Congregational Church in Berkeley, California. He was the keynote
speaker at the anniversary celebration of the Middle East
Children’s Alliance, MECA (mecaforpeace.org), a
nonprofit humanitarian aid organization based in Berkeley. Since
1988 MECA has provided more that $21 million in food, medicine,
medical supplies, and clothes, as well as books, toys, and school
supplies to children and families in Palestine, Iraq, and
Lebanon.
Ilan Pappé was introduced by Mona Halabi:
In his ground-breaking book,
The
Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Ilan
Pappé accuses the state of Israel of
forcibly driving out over 750,000 Palestinians between 1948 and
1949. As part of the long-standing Zionist plan, to manufacture
an ethnically pure Jewish state, his book had a profound effect
on me and on all the Palestinians in the Diaspora. Because it
acknowledged and recorded with honesty and courage our loss and
displacement.
I am the daughter a
Nakba
Refugee. I too, was fortunate enough to have a mother
who instilled in me her love of Palestine. Three years after her
death, this past summer in Jerusalem, I finally managed, for the
first time ever, to enter my Mother’s house, now inhabited
by an Israeli family. I could have shut my eyes and walked from
room to room without running in to any walls. My Mother’s
memories had become my own.
We Palestinians, we have lost our homes in 1948. But I like to
believe, in the end, we will return. It’s inevitable.
[applause]
Please help me welcome Professor Ilan Pappé. [applause]
Thank you very much. It’s a great honor to be a keynote
speaker in an event on behalf of MECA. I was introduced to
MECA many years ago when one of my sons told me, ‘There is
a bus that came to visit us.’ And they all entered our
house. Since then I followed very closely what MECA is doing and
it’s a great honor to support this sacred work.
I also want to thank Mona for this very moving introduction.
It’s always rewarding to hear Palestinians refer to
The
Ethnic Cleansing as an affirmation of their own trials and
tribulations in a way that I think also opens some hope for the
future.
Tonight’s title comes under the headline of
“Palestine Is Still The Issue.” When I say that
Palestine is still the issue I don’t mean that for anyone
who sits in this hall—or for me—Palestine ever ceased
to be the issue. We don’t have to be lectured in any way or
persuaded that Palestine is still the issue. Every day brings
with it a different image that reminds us that Palestine is still
the issue.
The most recent image I am taking with me everywhere I go is the
photograph of twelve years old Dima who spent 75 days in Israeli
jail. The day she was released the desperation on her parents
face in the face of a ruthless ruler who can do whatever he wants
with their children, and the very heart breaking words of Dima
who said, “All I want to do is go back to my friends in
school.”
So we don’t need to be reminded that Palestine is still the
issue. But I think you understand that the context of this talk
is different. A lot of people would tell us, that given
what’s going on in Syria, in Iraq, given the magnitude of
the refugee issue in Europe, the economic problems in the United
States, Palestine has been marginalized as an issue of global
attention and you cannot galvanize anymore people to see
Palestine as a central issue of humanity and inhumanity.
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Palestine is the only active, remaining act of Settler
Colonialism and therefore it is representing the struggle of
indigenous people and native people all around the world.
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And I think it is important to remind ourselves why Palestine, in
this respect, despite all the horrific things that are happening
in Syria and Iraq, in Libya and Yemen, and despite the problems
facing refugees in Europe and here as well, despite all of these
distractions, if you want, it is important to remind ourself that
Palestine is the issue because much of what we see in the Middle
East and outside the Middle East, is connected to what happened
in the past in Palestine and what happens today in Palestine.
So in this respect, if you are still committed to Palestine with
all you heart, most of your activity is on behalf of the
Palestinians and for the Palestinians, you are also acting on
behalf of everyone else who nowadays suffers in the Middle East
and beyond the Middle East from crimes against humanity.
Palestine is the issue for five major reasons and I would like to
point out each one of them.
Palestine is still the
issue today because morally it is the last and only remaining
struggle of indigenous native people against
Settler Colonialism
that is still very active. Palestine is not the only country
where Settler Colonialism was visited upon. This very country we
are in was one of the
first projects of Settler Colonialism;
Australia, New Zealand, South Africa. But in all these other
countries where Settler Colonialism was definitely prevalent in
the past, at least processes of change and transformation were
taking place.
Palestine is the only active, remaining act of Settler
Colonialism and therefore it is representing the struggle of
indigenous people and native people all around the world.
Settler Colonialism as you may know, is the movement of desparate
Europeans outside of Europe because they were persecuted there;
because they felt that Europe was unsafe. And they went to other
countries, to other continents. And when they arrived in those
new places, they found an indigenous native population. Because
they were persecuted, because they were looking for a one-way
ticket out of Europe, they felt that they don’t only want
to make the new country a home, but also to make it a homeland.
The obstacle in the way of making a new place a homeland were
always the indigenous native people. In many cases, the result of
this clash between the wish to create a new homeland and the fact
that someone else already lived there for centuries, was
genocide; elimination of the native people.
We have to remind ourself, and remain hopeful, that Palestine is
still the issue because people were not genocided there. Because
there in Palestine the logic of elimination that informed settler
colonialism in this country was terrible enough, but was not
genocide. People were expelled. Villages were destroyed. The
country was de-Arab-ized and Jude-ized. But the struggle
continues because the people are still there. Because not all the
country has been de-Arab-ized and because the people themself
have not lost the struggle and the wish to go back to their
homeland and those who are in their homeland have not lost the
aspiration to make it, once more, their beloved homeland.
So this is a struggle that brings together the evils of settler
colonialism in the past with the evil of colonialism in the
present. In this respect, if we want to be part of a better
world—that understands that European settlers wreaked
havoc, genocide, apartheid, ethnic cleansing all around the rest
of the world—it is in Palestine where we can still rectify
some of that evil by showing that there is a way towards
reconciliation as was done (at least partly) in post-apartheid
South Africa.
Morally, Palestine is the place where the logic of elimination is
still at work daily against the Palestinian people and everyone
who experienced it here in the past, or still thinks about it,
can see in Palestine a place where this logic should be rejected
and replaced by humanization.
Settler colonialism is also a human project that was motivated by
de-humanization. People who were chased out of Europe and arrived
in the place where someone else lived were usually poor people,
persecuted people, victims of ethnic cleansing themself. And in
order to justify their transformation into victimizers themself
they had to de-humanize the native people; they had to
de-humanize the indigenous people.
Zionism in Palestine is this lethal fusion of these two logics
that still operates in 2016, where Palestinians are de-humanized
and therefore are an object of elimination. Elimination is not
always physical genocide. You can be eliminated by being enclaved
and besieged in your own village without the right to move. You
can be eliminated by being expelled within your own homeland to
another place. You can be eliminated by being robbed of all your
civil rights, either to vote or to be elected in a way that can
have an impact on your own future.
In this respect, we are witnessing daily the experiment of
settler colonialism in Palestine motivated by these two logics,
of de-humanization and elimination and if we are against such
inhumanity then Palestine should be the issue for us.
Palestine is also the issue because it has been connected and
associated in the most wrong way possible with anti-semitism. For
so many years we were lead to believe that the colonization of
Palestine was the antidote to anti-semitism. Europe, the United
States, and the West in general, used to convince themselves and
others that because there was a problem of anti-semitism, and its
worst chapter was in Europe during the holocaust, the only way to
solve the hatred towards Jews because they are Jews was to allow
them to colonize Palestine and dispossess the Palestinians.
This irrational, this cruel logic, that is at the heart of the
connection between Zionism and anti-semitism still fuels most of
the support Israel gets in this country, and still is the main
ammunition pro-Israeli groups and individuals use in this country
to silence any criticism on the Jewish state and its criminal
policies. Therefore, Palestine—that’s the second
reason that Palestine is still the issue because the Jewish
problem of Europe, the Jewish problem of the West, is a universal
problem. Because it is not only the problem of the Jews. The
genocide of the Jews in the Second World War showed the cruelty
of modernity, of European Enlightenment, of the aspirations of
Europeans to be culturally, morally, and politically superior to
any other civilization. We need the closure to that terrible
chapter in the history of humanity. Allowing Jews to colonize
Palestine and dispossess the Palestinians is not the answer to
this problem.
I don’t think today there is much anti-semitism in the
world anyway. But, we need to make sure that people have a
different conversation about the connection between anti-semitism
and Zionism and Palestine. The Zionization of Palestine
increased anti-semitism. It did not lead to its
disappearance. A democratic, free Palestine for all is the best
antidote to anti-semitism [mounting applause] and we have to talk
to and be honest with our Jewish friends who still believe that
Israel for some reason is this insurance company that would be
waiting for them should the holocaust appear again in this
country, or elsewhere—we have to explain to them that this
is not an insurance company. This is a company that destroys and
demolish other people’s life and you don’t want to be
associated with such an insurance company. [applause] Your
insurance is in a just, equitable, democratic United States of
America. Not in a powerful settler colonial state of Israel.
[applause]
Palestine is still the issue because it is connected, also, to
Islamophobia. It has a long history of connection to the fear of
Muslims just because they are Muslims. The
Balfour Declaration,
in which Britain gave something that didn’t belong to it to
a movement it didn’t belong to ... the two motives for the
British Empire, to take part of the Middle East, part of the Arab
world, part of the Muslim world, and to grant it to
a
new ideological movement and promise that the empire would do its
utmost to create a homeland there, the two major motives were,
surprisingly, anti-semitism and Islamophobia.
There was a fear of Islam, there was a fear of Muslims, very much
at the heart of the British policy makers who were about to take
the Middle East as a new possession in their empire that already
was very big and they much preferred to have non-muslim enclaves
and kingdoms if they could in their new domains, in their new
possessions.
At the same time, it was a double bill as far as the Jews were
concerned. Here were a group of Jews who came to them and said,
We want to leave Europe and to colonize Palestine. This was good
news for
someone like Arthur Balfour, the British Foreign
Secretary. He could see how he could get rid of the Jews and at
the same time have a non-Muslim British colony in the Holy Land
which he hoped one day would be restored to the glory of the days
of the Crusaders.
So, Islamophobia, in many ways, or put it differently,
Palestinians were the first victims of Islamophobia in modern
times. They are also the last victims of Islamophobia in our
times. It is the fear of Islam, it is the hatred of Islam, it is
the animosity to Muslims just because they are Muslims that
helped Israel to stop almost a natural process in the United
States at the very end of the last century in which Americans,
because of the easy access to information, to knowledge, began to
understand what was going on the ground in Palestine. It was the
major tool by which Israel, after 2001, associated terrorism with
Palestinians in a way that stifled any proper discussion about
Israel, Zionism, and Palestine in this country. And we are
witnessing it again and again, the attempt to associate violence
that is carried out by desparate people in Europe and their
supporters with justification for the state terror that Israel
exercises against the Palestinians.
So if you have a discussion about Palestine, you have a genuine
discussion about terror. Not a false discussion about terror. You
have a genuine discussion about the causes of violence in the
Middle East, in Brussels, in Paris, in the United States, and
everywhere in the world. You have a much better conversation of
how Palestine is connected to desperation, to violence, if you
focus on that country and you don’t allow the conversation
about terror and the Islamophobic discourse to stifle any genuine
discussion about the systematic structure violation of human
rights against the Palestinians that has started in the late 19th
century and has not stopped for even one day.
That was the first part of a 45 minute speech by Ilan
Pappé, Israeli historian, and currently
Director
of the
European Center for Palestine Studies, at the University of
Exeter in Britain. He was the keynote speaker at the May 2016
anniversary celebration of the
Middle East Children’s
Alliance, MECA, a nonprofit humanitarian aid organization based
in Berkeley, California.
Ilan Pappé was recorded by
Jeff
Blankfort on May 2, 2016,
at the First Congregational Church in Berkeley, California.
Come back for the conclusion when Pappé explains how Palestine is connected to the international, universal issues of social justice and human rights.
Part Two Introduction
by Maria Gilardin
This is the conclusion of a thought provoking 45 minute speech by
the Israeli professor Ilan Pappé. He spoke in Berkeley,
California, in May 2016, at an anniversary of the
Middle East
Children’s Alliance, a nonprofit humanitarian aid
organization. They provide food, medicine, books and school
supplies to children and families in Palestine, Iraq and Lebanon.
Ilan Pappé is the author of many books, among them:
The
Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge (New York:
Verso, 2014),
The
Bureaucracy of Evil: The History of the Israeli Occupation
(London: Oneworld, 2008),
“The
Boycott Will Work: An Israeli Perspective” from
The
Case for Sanctions Against Israel
(London: Verso, 2011),
and
The
Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011).
Most famous among his books is,
The
Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld, 2006).
Using declassified
British and Israeli documents Pappé comes up with a
history that contradicts the official narrative.
In the introduction to the book it says:
The 1948 Palestine-Israel War is known to Israelis as ‘The
War of Independence’, but for Palestinians it will forever be the
Nakba,
the ‘catastrophe’. Alongside the creation
of the state of Israel, the war led to one of the largest forced
migrations in modern history. Around a millions people were
expelled from their homes at gunpoint, civilians were massacred,
and hundreds of Palestinian villages deliberately destroyed.
Though the truth about the mass expulsion has been systematically
distorted and suppressed, had it taken place in the 21st century
it could only have been called ethnic cleansing. Prominent
Israeli academic Ilan Pappé argues passionately for the
international recognition of this tragedy.
Pappé’s position brought high acclaim and, of course,
serious criticism.
Richard Falk, Professor emeritus at Princeton said
“Pappé has written an extraordinary book that is of
profound relevance to the past, present and future of
Israel/Palestine relations.”
For Pappé the publication of the book eventually brought
about his “exile” so to speak from Israel. There were
personal attacks on him in the Israeli government and academia.
He left Israel in 2008 and began teaching at the University of
Exeter in Britain. There he is currently the
Director
of the University’s European Center for Palestine Studies.
In Part One of this talk, Pappé introduced
the term Settler Colonialism. As opposed to Colonialism where
land is occupied and resources extracted but in the end the
colonizers go back home, in the new movement of Settler
Colonialism the settlers come with a one way ticket and make the
occupied land their home. According to Ilan Pappé
and the
author Patrick Wolfe this occurred in South Africa, Australia,
New Zealand, Israel, the United States, and elsewhere. In order
to clear the land for the new settlers the indigenous peoples
were killed, expelled, or forcibly assimilated.
Pappé said in his May 2016 speech in Berkeley that it is
very important to talk about
Settler Colonialism in the US. Many
of the new settlers escaped from Europe because they were
persecuted. How was it possible for these formerly persecuted
groups to become the oppressors of native Americans in turn? And
in Israel, where Ilan Pappé was born in 1954, the formerly
persecuted Jews are now the oppressors of Palestinians. And, in a
huge historic irony, the old Settler Colonialist state of North
America protects the new Settler Colonialist State of Israel from
being held responsible for human rights violations.
While the US still needs to come to terms with it’s own
Settler Colonialism, that task for
Israel—ironically—is somewhat simpler. While in the
US—depending on the source—70 to 90% of the
indigenous population was killed, the ethnic cleansing of what is
now Israel did not involve large scale genocide. About 7 million
Palestinians are still living in refugee camps or have found
temporary homes in other countries. It is not too late to do
justice by them and Ilan Pappé lists five assumptions or
concepts that support his statement that Palestine is still the
Issue. He develops a project to bring about justice, respect for
human rights, and mutual understanding.
In Part One he spoke of anti-semitism and mentioned the claim
that the colonization of Palestine was the antidote to
anti-semitism. Pappé says that it is indeed a terrible
logic at the heart of the connection between Zionism and
anti-semitism that is now used to silence any criticism of
Israel.
In Part One Pappé also points to the history of Western
Philosophy. He calls out the cruelty of modernity and of the
enlightenment. It was the enlightenment that defined the claim of
European/White superiority to any other civilization. In the
Settler Colonialist project this superiority over all indigenous
cultures, ironically once included a superiority over Jews and
was used to justify the holocaust.
Finally, also in Part One, Pappé points to the problem of
Islamophobia.
When Britain, in the Balfour Declaration of 1917, took part of
the Arab World and promised that the British Empire would do its
utmost to grant a Jewish homeland there, the two major motives
were both anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. The British liked the
idea of Jews leaving Europe due to British anti-Semitism, and
they looked forward to having a Western outpost in the middle of
the Arab world due to British Islamophobia.
Here now is the conclusion of the talk by Professor Ilan
Pappé, Palestine Is Still The Issue. He begins by
addressing social justice and human rights.
Palestine is still the issue because it is also an issue of
social justice. It is not surprising that you can see, in various
parts of the world, workers who would demonstrate for better pay,
for better conditions, who are engaging industrial action, you
will not be surprised to see them don themselves with the
Palestinian flag. Because for them, Palestine is the ultimate
symbol of injustice. Not only national injustice, not only
political injustice, but also social injustice.
And you have to ask yourself, Why Palestine? Why is the Palestinian
flag such an emblem for struggles who at least on the face of it,
have nothing to do with Palestine? And then you understand that
it’s not because these people think that the atrocities
committed against the Palestinian are the worst. Not because they
don’t know about other cases of inhumanity. Not because
they have singled out Israel as the worst rogue state in the
world. They are much—they are very familiar with worse
rogue states that exist. They are very knowledgable of other
inhumanities which are far worse than what the Palestinians have
ever experienced and hopefully would ever experience.
It’s not out of ignorance that they decided that the
Palestinian flag symbolizes a struggle for social justice.
Social justice, more than anything else, is a struggle against
double talk, against hypocrisy, against exceptionalism, against
deception. And no other case of violation of human rights and
civil rights can compare with the case of Palestine when it comes
to exceptionalism, deception, and double talk. This is something
we are all familiar with and we know.
It is not only the cruelty of the occupier, the inhumanity of the
colonizer. It is the pretense of those who support these actions that what we
see is not the crime but rather “the war of defense,” “a
democratic action,” “a justified moral policy.” We are all
familiar both with the double talk, with the language, with the
fury, the pretentious fury, the righteous fury that goes along
and accompanies the atrocities on the ground. It is this
hypocrisy, more than anything else, that symbolizes for workers
around the world the way that they are being treated by their
employers, by the multi-national corporation, and therefore you
can see how many people today understand that the fate of the
native, who was a victim in a settler colonialist project, is the
fate of the worker today and the neoliberal system that we are
living in.
We will see more and more fusion between the struggle against the
inhumanity of shutting a factory causing the end of a cycle of
life in the United States and the dispossession of the Palestinians
from their villages, water resources, and their homeland. The
logic of elimination and de-humanization is not just the logic of
political movements. It also is the logic of heartless economic
powers that control our life.
I think many people, especially in Europe, but I have seen it
here in 2008 as well, understand the connection between Flint,
Ferguson, Palestine, India, Pakistan, Africa—this is part
[applause] ... You are not only struggling against the criminal
policy, you are struggling against the narrative that claims that
this is not a crime—that this is for the benefit of the
people—that the whole discourse that pretends to improve
people’s life but actually destroys them is exemplified in
Palestine on a daily, if not an hourly, basis.
I think that’s why people all around the world see their
own struggle so strongly associated and connected with the
struggle for peace and justice in Palestine. And I am very
hopeful in this respect because I think we were misled by the
movement in the United States, in particular, after the crisis of
2008. There was a very energetic response to the crisis—you
are all familiar with that—in different towns, in different
cities in the United States, and it petered out.
Analysts in the ivory towers of academia said, It’s gone,
this is it; the crisis is over, the reaction to the crisis is
over. I think they are totally wrong. This is just the beginning
of a mass movement of young people who had enough with the
cynicism of politics whether it is domestic politics, financial
politics, economic politics or foreign politics. The way America
behaves in the Middle East as a whole, the immunity it grants
Israel and the domestic policies are all seen as part of a
cynical system of politics that has no moral backbone, has no set
of values and has lost the confidence of the people. [applause]
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Social justice, more than anything else, is a struggle against
double talk, against hypocrisy, against exceptionalism, against
deception.
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It is quite ironic that both in England and in this country, the
people who seem to represent at least partly, this new young
energy, and wish for cleaner politics, for morality in politics,
are represented by people who are nearly 80 years old. This is
not good. May they live very long but I would have liked to see
20 years old representing these ambitions. I will settle for 65.
But there is something in the old values that these two gentlemen
represent that the young people recognize as cleaner, as purer,
as something that doesn’t have the hypocrisy that politics
has. It’s not surprising that in the case of Jeremy Corbyn
in England, Palestine is the main issue in which he is attacked
and I can assure you if Bernie Sanders would find the courage to
go an extra mile of the two yards that he’s already walked
towards us, if he will take the extra mile he would find that
Palestine is the issue which will define him very much as any
other topic he would decide to bring to this campaign.
Finally I would say, and this is very, very important, Palestine
is the issue of human rights today. This is the reason, I
think, for so many of us, this is such an important historical
juncture. And when I say ”us”—I mean Palestinians,
people who support the Palestinians, Israeli Jews, anyone who is
involved as an NGO, as an activist, as someone who lives there or
someone who was expelled from there—for us 2016 is a very
critical moment.
The Palestinians will have to redefine their project of
liberation and adapt it to 2016. It is very difficult given the
fragmentation which is the greatest Zionist success. The
Palestinians were fragmented to five different groups. Naturally
each one of these groups developed its own agenda. But we need a
united Palestinian front, we need united Palestinian
Representative bodies. None of the bodies that exist today
represent faithfully, the needs and aspirations of the
Palestinian. They usually represent a slice of the Palestinian
issue and that kind of slice always serves well the Israelis and
those who want to harm the Palestinian people.
So I think this is the moment where you have to find the way of
re-defining the struggle for liberation in Palestine as
the most important human rights and civil rights issue in
the world. It is possible. The energy you hear from young people
all around the world is there, ready to put Palestine at the
center, as the symbol for the struggles for human rights, civil
rights, and social justice around the world. But you cannot do it
without representation which is authentic and unified over the
Palestinian people.
The second thing that we have to take into account, 2016 should
be the time where we all would be invited to the funeral of the
two-state solution. [Applause] The body is already in the morgue.
Every now and then there is an American negotiator who takes the
body out of the morgue, puts some life into it, like Jesus, and
makes us feel as if it’s still alive then tells us
it’s just around the corner. But apparently that corner is
not on Earth. It’s somewhere on Mars.
It’s time to stop this charade. Not because it’s
right or wrong. Because it really does not allow us to have a
genuine discussion about the alternative. You cannot have a
serious discussion of a different way forward if you still stick
to a formula that is irrelevant, has nothing to do with the
reality on the ground, and also is not a just one.
In this respect, we have to try and persuade people not to be
afraid and say, whether they were genuine supporters of the two
state solution, whether they were cynical supporters of the two
state solution, it really doesn’t matter. It really
doesn’t matter. It’s a time to say, Maybe it could
have worked, maybe it was a good idea, one can understand why
even some Palestinians strongly supported it. In 2016 it’s
a waste of time, it’s a waste of energy, it’s a waste
of human effort that is deeply needed, urgently
needed for finding a different way forward.
You cannot do both things. You cannot protect a failed formula
and talk of a new formula, You have to bury the idea that,
frankly speaking, is the idea that provided immunity for Israel
to kill more Palestinians, to make more Palestinian refugees, to
demolish Palestinian life and houses, to take more of Palestine,
and to render any just solution even more distant that it was before
this ill-thought idea was introduced as the only way forward for
peace and reconciliation in Palestine.
So Palestine is still the issue because we need new thinking on
Palestine. We need fresh thinking on Palestine and it
doesn’t matter exactly how you’re going to frame the
idea of a one state solution. It doesn’t matter what
exactly you bring to the table when you say I want to replace the
hegemonic language of peace that has helped Israel to continue
destroying Palestine rather than bring peace and reconciliation.
It doesn’t matter what you bring to the table. But bring
something new to the table and don’t rehash formulas and
ideas that only benefitted those who wanted to destroy Palestine,
not those who wanted to bring peace and reconciliation.
I say this with some depredation because some of our best friends
still believe in it. Some of them even religiously still believe
in it. But it’s time to talk to them as well and to tell
them, We need you on our side. We need every good person, inside
and outside, a Palestinian and a non Palestinian, to join forces
with us and find out how do we respect the human rights, the
civil rights, of both the native population of Palestine and the
settler community that now is in its third generation? How do we help
them to build a political system that rectifies the evils of the
past and promises good future life for everyone who is there and
everyone who was expelled from there?
This is a very important topic and I will end by saying that this
is a particularly important issue because I think it is connected
to everything that goes on in the rest of the Middle East. We
have to remember that before Zionism arrived in Palestine,
although there was violence, and definitely there was violence,
although there were wars in the Middle East, the two logics I was
talking about of de-humanization, of physical elimination, of
elimination, were quite strange to the Middle East.
I’m not idealizing the Middle East. I am just saying that
it was European enlightenment that invented Settler Colonialism
that gave license in the name of Enlightenment and
progressiveness, the right to de-humanize other people, to the
extent that you could hunt them as animals in Australia, and to
kill them as if they were not human beings in the United States
of America.
This is something that is still an open wound and Palestine is
the bleeding part of that wound. I think that you have to
understand what happens in the rest of the Middle East if you can
see that elimination and de-humanization of the Palestinians is
not only possible because Israel is strong, is not only possible
because Israel has the military capacity to do it. It is possible
because Israel has an exceptional treatment in the international
community. Because it has a license to ethnically cleanse the
Palestinians in 1948 and not one international body says anything.
It has the license to expel 300,000 Palestinians from the West Bank
in 1967 and nobody says a word including within the more
conscientious sections of the western society.
So the whole Middle East is watching and says, the problem is not
inhumanity, the problem is not eliminating human beings or
de-humanizing them. That is not the problem. The problem is whether
you are a member of the exceptional club who is allowed to do it.
And Israel is the sole member of this club in the Middle East.
[applause]
So if we want to have—and we need, everybody would agree in
this hall—we need, urgently, a genuine conversation about
human rights and civil rights in the Middle East. This is the
most urgent problem in Syria, in Iraq. The inhumanity of the
governments, the inhumanity of the groups that oppose the
governments are at the heart of the bloodshed that we see today.
Together with imperial interests that exploit the situation in
order to increase the flames of the fire rather than to try and
bring it down.
But you can never have a genuine conversation about human
rights and civil rights as long as the exceptionalism of Israel
continues. So if you want to talk to Syrians about human rights
and civil rights, start in Palestine. Don’t start in
Damascus. If you want to talk about human rights in the Yemen,
in Libya, start in Palestine. People would then believe that
you really care about human rights, about civil rights. And
Palestine could be the place where it’s not only still
the issue but it also can push the issue of human rights and
civil rights. And then maybe we will understand why it used
to be called the Holy Land. Because now it is anything—it
is the Hollow Land and not the Holy Land. And we have to bring
it back to its historical, ethical, and moral place in history
by having this kind of conversation.
So I will end by saying, don’t let anyone tell you that
the Palestine issue is less important than any other issue.
Don’t give up on Palestine and the Palestinians. And be
brave enough to put aside slogans, formulas, solutions which
are irrelevant, that are negative, that are destructive,
and join the new energy that we are feeling coming out from
many parts of Palestine and Palestinian life that wishes to
create normal life, democratic life, human life for
anyone who lives between the river Jordan and the
Mediterranean and anyone who was expelled from that
homeland and wishes to come back.
Thank you.
That was the conclusion of a 45 minute speech by Ilan
Pappé, Israeli historian, and currently
Director
of the European Center for Palestine Studies, at the University of
Exeter in Britain. He was the keynote speaker at the May 2016
anniversary celebration of the
Middle East Children’s
Alliance, MECA, a nonprofit humanitarian aid organization based
in Berkeley, California.
Ilan Pappé was recorded by
Jeff
Blankfort on May 2, 2016,
at the First Congregational Church in Berkeley, California.
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