Covert Action in Africa:
A Smoking Gun in Washington, D.C.
April 16, 2001
Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney OPENING STATEMENT
I want to thank you all for coming today.
I especially want to thank our esteemed speakers for traveling in some
instances quite a long way, to be with us today.
Our speakers are courageous individuals who have gone to many of Africa's
most dangerous and desperately poor locations, not for wealth or riches, but in
order to merely discover the truth. They provide us with a remarkable insight
into what has gone on in Africa and what continues to go on in Africa today.
Much of what you will hear today has not been widely reported in the public
media. Powerful forces have fought to suppress these stories from entering the
Their investigations into the activities of Western governments and Western
businessmen in post-colonial Africa provide clear evidence of the West's
long-standing propensity for cruelty, avarice, and treachery. The misconduct of
Western nations in Africa is not due to momentary lapses, individual defects, or
errors of common human frailty. Instead, they form part of long-term malignant
policy designed to access and plunder Africa's wealth at the expense of its
people. In short, the accounts you are about to hear provide an indictment of
Western activities in Africa.
That West has, for decades, plundered Africa's wealth and permitted, and
even, assisted in slaughtering Africa's people. The West has been able to do
this while still shrewdly cultivating the myth the that much of Africa's
problems today are African madeˇwe have all heard the usual Western defenses
that Africa's problems are the fault of corrupt African administrations, the
fault of centuries-old tribal hatreds, the fault of unsophisticated peoples
rapidly entering a modern high technology world. But we know that those
statements are all a lie. We have always known it.
The accounts we are about to hear today assist us in understanding just why
Africa is in the state it is in today. You will hear that at the heart of
Africa's suffering is the West's, and most notably the United States', desire to
access Africa's diamonds, oil, natural gas, and other precious resources. You
will hear that the West, and most notably the United States, has set in motion a
policy of oppression, destabalisation and tempered, not by moral principle, but
by a ruthless desire to enrich itself on Africa's fabulous wealth. While falsely
pretending to be the friends and allies of many African countries, so desperate
for help and assistance, many western nations, and I'm ashamed to say most
notably the United States, have in reality betrayed those countries' trustˇand
instead, have relentlessly pursued their own selfish military and economic
policies. Western countries have incited rebellion against stable African
governments by encouraging and even arming opposition parties and rebel groups
to begin armed insurrection. The Western nations have even actively participated
in the assassination of duly elected and legitimate African Heads of State and
replaced them with corrupted and malleable officials. Western nations have even
encouraged and been complicit in the unlawful invasions by African nations into
These accounts today are a public indictment of European and American
governments and businessmen. Something must be done to right these wrongs.
Something must be done to restore Africa to peace and prosperity.
I invite you to listen and learn first hand of the West's activities in
Prepared Statement of Janine Farrell Roberts
By author of Book "Blood Stained Diamonds," Janine Farrell
The Secret Story Behind Blood Diamond
How US Foreign Policy over decades was influenced by the Diamond Cartel.
Maurice Tempelsman: The Convergence of Policy and Profit in Private.
May I first briefly introduce myself. I hold degrees in Sociology and
Theology and have authored several books written about Australian Aborigines and
their civil rights struggle, which were launched by their leaders. For many
years I was funded by a coalition of US and European church to work on human
rights frontiers internationally.
This work led me to De Beers - after it clashed with an Aboriginal community.
The more I worked internationally the more I discovered about its human rights
violations. I have now been researching and writing on De Beers and the diamond
trade for twenty years during which time I have made several films - including:
"The Diamond Empire", a feature length" Frontline" since
suppressed by WGBH due to pressure from De Beers. The owners of Doubleday also
commissioned a major work from me on diamonds - only to drop it at the very last
moment as they wrote "rich and important people" did not want it to
De Beers is nothing if not secretive In the course of my investigation, De
Beers banned me from its South African diamond mines where I was the guest of
the National Union of Mineworkers (but I was smuggled in). Here I witnessed in
De Beers's mines horrific conditions with wages paid at one third of the
official union minimum and in very hazardous conditions. I also witnessed
considerable natural resources being hidden from the SA Government. I went also
to India and witnessed children as young as 8 cutting and polishing diamonds in
workshops mostly supplied by De Beers through its favored merchants, working in
what is defined as a form of slavery. The wages were slashed this year from 40c
to 25c a diamond causing riots. Workers get one dollar a day for cutting
romantic gems. India cuts 55% by value of the world's gem diamonds.
De Beers tried to stop my film in the Canadian NW Territories diamond fields
- but the Sierra Club and the Unions had it happen. On 5th Avenue, merchants
were phoned telling them not to speak to me "as I worked with Blacks in
Australia to make life difficult for De Beers." I was also the keynote
speaker at the first post apartheid conference of Southern African mineworkers
where I was funded by the World Council of Churches.
I have been told that a major reason for some of my difficulties is the fear
publishers have of a certain Maurice Tempelsman, the former companion of Jackie
Onassis who in 1998 was reported to be developing a romantic relationship with
Secretary of State Albright. He is a leading international diamond merchant of
unique power and influence - often he has helped shaped US foreign policy in
directions that favour De Beers. I have extensively researched his work. Much of
this is in my forthcoming book "Blood Stained Diamonds".
I have been asked to talk about Tempelsman's role in the confluence of public
policy and private profit that happens in private. He is an excellent example. I
have time only to summarise my findings.
Why was he uniquely important in the De Beers? In the 1940s De Beers was
indicted by the US Justice Department for price fixing under the Sherman Act.
The US also believed De Beers had rationed the supply of tool diamonds to the US
during the Second World War severely damaging the war effort. It was determined
never to let this happen again, and legislation was thus passed to set up a
national diamond stockpile. De Beers needed a way to ensure it was the source of
this stockpile despite being indicted. It sought a middleman to do the deals
with the US. Early in the 1950s Tempelsman met with the Oppenheimers who rule De
Beers and became this middleman. He was uniquely supplied with millions of
diamonds to sell the US as its strategic reserve. Most of these diamonds came
from the Congo.
When Lumumba, Congo's first elected leader, spoke of using the Congo's
resources to benefit the Congo. De Beers feared it would lose access to the one
third of world's diamond supply in the Congo - as would also Tempelsman. Shortly
after this, the CIA facilitated Lumumba's assassination. Evidence on this came
before the Church Intelligence Commission. Immediately after Lumumba's death,
the Acting Prime Minister of the Congo, Adoula announced support for a very
major Tempelsman diamond deal, telegramming this to President Kennedy. The
historian Richard Mahoney claimed that the Adoula regime was receiving funds
from Tempelsman. A State Department memo headed "Congo Diamond Deal"
stated "The State Department has concluded that it is in the political
interest of the US to implement this proposal." (2 August 1961)
Immediately after Mobutu came to power, Tempelsman became an even bigger
player in the Congo - recruiting his own staff from those CIA staffers that
Mobutu most favored that put him in power. Mobutu also at this time gave
Tempelsman, as a "Christmas Gift", rich mineral reserves.
According to Tempelsman's staff we interviewed, they had a wonderful time
helping to run the Congo. One of the first acts by Tempelsman was to facilitate
the return of the Oppenheimers to the Congo - and to secure funding for Mobutu.
He succeeded in persuading the White House to secretly buy a vast number of
diamonds for the US strategic reserve - at a time when Administration officials
were protesting that the reserve was over full. The reason for this deal given
in secret US government memos was to support Mobutu and his partner Adoula. This
Tempelsman plan made much profit for him and for De Beers.
A State Department Cable of 23 December 1964 warned about the need of secrecy
over this Mobutu diamond and South African uranium deal because; "it could
outrage the moderate Africans we are trying to calm down." It suggest South
African Foreign Minister Muller would understand the need for secrecy since the
US was "doing a job" in the Congo that South Africa could not do. This
covert support for Mobutu gave the US a gross excess in the strategic diamond
stockpile that was still being sold off in 1997.
In 1967 the State Department reported; "Tempelsman is playing an
increasingly central role as GDRC (Congo's) technical advisor and
mediator." But these deals and other deals done throughout the following
decades with a corrupt Mobutu government left the Congolese people in absolute
In the late 1950s democracy arrived in Africa with the election of President
Nkrumah - who thought Black Africans should not have to sell diamonds to an
apartheid company - so took Ghana's diamonds from the cartel. A short while
later, the State Department wrote a furious letter to Maurice Tempelsman saying
that his office, by using an unguarded phone line, had betrayed the identity of
the plotters against Nkrumah and the identity of the CIA Head of Station. The
plotters seemingly were communicating to the White House via Tempelsman's
office. (Memorandum for the President from WW Rostow, 24 September 1961)
Tempelsman clearly had advanced knowledge of this coup attempt. Shortly
afterwards President Kennedy decided not to "downgrade" (his word)
Tempelsman for this error.
Tempelsman worked out a new diamond contract for President Stevens - under which
Tempelsman got 27% of the country's diamonds - setting up an independent cutting
factory - and De Beers bought shares in it. However it was not set up to compete
effectively. I have gathered ample evidence that historically Sierra Leone has
been grossly exploited by fraudulent De Beers' practices which I would be happy
to give during question time.
In recent years Tempelsman has been trying to use US money and support to set up
Savimbi of UNITA in the diamond trade with both De Beers the US support. On the
side, he has also been setting up his own diamond cutting factory - here as in
his other African cutting plants on terms that are likely to stop Africa getting
a fully commercial cutting industryů a De Beers aim.
Tempelsman in 1996 persuaded the Assistant Secretary of State George E Moose
to give him a letter suggesting that the US would finance Tempelsman's plans. On
October 10th 1996 he met with Tony Lake the National Security Advisor and with
Lake's deputy, Shawn McCormick - and gained their support for Tempelsman's
plans. In May 1997 the US Ambassador for Angola, Steinbach met with Savimbi - to
back the Tempelsman plan. This plan included UNITA keeping its diamond mines -
and selling them via De Beers. Again US foreign policy was being shaped to
benefit De Beers.
Tempelsman's Independence of De Beers.
Tempelsman frequently poses as an independent diamond merchant, even as a
rival to De Beers. This has enabled him to do such things as to advise the
President of Namibia on his negotiations with De Beers.
But if he were truly such, he would lose his diamond supplies from De Beers
as have other diamond merchants who tried to rival De Beers. He has never lost
these supplies. He is rumoured in the trade as having one of the very largest of
the diamond "sights" supplied by De Beers It is easy for De Beers to
pay him secretly. They simply put more and better stones into the box they send
him. The US customs are unable to check if this has happened, as they do not the
experts on staff.
Maurice Tempelsman served the De Beers diamond cartel by promoting foreign
policy decisions that favoured its access to and control of African diamond
fields. This lead to the US covertly supporting undemocratic and corrupt regimes
in Africa to the great detriment of the African people.
Information on Blood Diamonds Suppressed?
Why did WGBH suppress its Frontline program "The Diamond
Empire", refusing to sell it to many who asked for it. The owners of
Doubleday were later scared off from publishing the "sensational, important
and accomplished" (their words) human rights book "Glitter and Greed:
The story of Blood Stained Diamonds." They wrote after putting promoting
the book as due to come out in 3 months, saying that rich and powerful people
were against it, and although we may win any legal battle, it is not worth the
cost of such a fight. See my website www.sparkle.plus.com
Prepared Statement of Ellen Ray
Balkanization of Africa; Destruction of Congo
In the last decade, an ancient tool of foreign policy has been raised by the
United States to new heights. The Romans called it "divide and
conquer"; since the late Nineteenth Century it has been called
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Balkanization became a common
occurrence, as former "enemy" states were pursued- attacked and
occupied-by the only remaining superpower-sometimes alone, sometimes with one or
another of America's allies. The U.S.S.R. was quickly divided into a dozen new
nations; Czechoslovakia was halved; and then Yugoslavia was shattered, piece by
piece. And now there is a serious effort under way by the western powers to
Balkanize and further plunder Africa. Indeed, three of the largest nations on
the continent, Congo, Angola, and Sudan, for many years have faced violent
struggles to divide their territories. Some geo-strategists suggest that
Balkanization is not necessary when large targeted nations are led by strong,
generally repressive, governments, installed by, or at least indebted to, the
West, especially the U.S. This may explain why, during most of the Mobutu
regime, there were no serious efforts to destabilize his government, a U.S.
client state for all its three decades. The ultimate departure of Mobutu was
effected by his own greed, and perhaps a philosophical tilt towards France.
Zaire outlived its usefulness to the U.S. The nation, now Congo, has ended up on
the chopping block, its sovereign territory divided and subdivided by invaders,
the prize offered by what the Clinton administration cheerfully dubbed
"Africa's First World War."
When a nation is targeted for Balkanization, the justification for the overt
and covert operations such a campaign entails is almost always a
"humanitarian" effort to control inter-ethnic strife. The media
generate public confusion by fabricating, or exaggerating, ethnic, tribal,
mini-wars, often stirred up and paid for by the agents of the would-be
For example, nearly every article about the invasion of the Democratic
Republic of Congo by the U.S.-supplied and trained armies of Uganda and Rwanda
referred to the invaders' local paid agents as oppressed Congolese ethnic groups
or former members of Mobutu's army rebelling against the Kinshasa government.
The articles often described "tribal warfare" in breathless detail,
citing mini-wars like those being fostered by outsiders between the Hema and the
The severe destabilization of a targeted nation or area of the world is a
logical and necessary prerequisite to Balkanization. The media help to promote
that destabilization by their demonization of targeted leaders. Such campaigns
often carry overtones of ethnic persecution, along with accusations of
corruption, communism, terrorism, or (but only when it suits the U.S.)
Even though the western press could not, in the end, continue to boost
Mobutu, their grudging recognition of Kabila was at best cautious, suspicious,
and extremely short-lived. After Kabila threw out the Tutsi officers (Rwandan
and Ugandan) who had been installed in most key military and intelligence posts,
usually over the strong objections of the local people, the press's honeymoon
with Kabila was over. As Kabila heard the complaints of the Congolese people
about Tutsi-led terror against Hutu refugees, as he traveled to independent
nations like China, Libya, and Cuba, he began to be vilified as
"corrupt," as a "thug."
Something should be said about the way in which a very shady peace process
has furthered African Balkanization, just as it did in Yugoslavia. The Lusaka
accord was not a good deal for the Congo government; Kabila was forced to accede
by implicit and explicit threats of even greater assistance to the rebels, and
an endless war. And in consequence, a divided Congo became an accepted,
institutionalized reality, a solid line drawn through the country in every map
that accompanies every news story. The negotiations, stage-managed by the U.S.,
intensified the demands for the pullout of all foreign troops from Congo, neatly
equating the Ugandan and Rwandan invaders with the troops from Angola, Namibia,
and Zimbabwe, invited by the invaded country to assist in repelling the
invasion. There is no moral equivalency here. As President Dos Santos of Angola
pointed out during the U.N. debate, the accord did not even recognize the
legitimacy of the Kabila government.
A year later, Kabila has been murdered, the very first peacekeeping forces
are arriving and setting up camp in Goma, while the de facto division of Congo
has become conventional wisdom. The outsiders ensconced in the east, now behind
the cease-fire line and protected by the peacekeepers, control some of the most
valuable natural resources in the world, while the Congolese people suffer.
The western wire service headlines in the aftermath of the murder of Laurent
Kabila hint candidly at Congo's future.
Reuters, January 17: "Copper, cobalt markets little moved by Congo
Reuters, January 19: "Kabila killing not seen hurting diamond
Laurent Kabila's place in the spectrum of African politics, continues to be
abraded, his death seen only as one less deterrent to ramming through the peace
Reuters, January 18: "Kabila failed to live up to great
Reuters, January 18: "Holbrooke suggests Africans break from
Non-Aligned." Holbrooke, the reporter admitted, "startled his
listeners" with this one.
Reuters, January 19: "Congo rebels say young Kabila
And finally, the future of the current cease-fire remains in doubt:
Associated Press, March 21: "U.N. Says Congo Foes Pulling Back."
But, Reuters, March 28: "U.N. Says Congo armies delaying
Prepared Statement of Keith Snow
Thank you Representative McKinney for organizing this very important forum.
I find it particularly remarkable that the diamond exports from the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were some US$897 million in 1997. Now this is
a "country" which was in a major war. And then in 1998, DRC ranked
second in diamond production at 25.7 million carats. Again, a country in a
brutal war where hundreds and hundreds of thousands of people ˝ and in fact I
think it is millions of people -- suffered the consequences through disease and
despair and displacement and rape and hunger and robbery and often death.
Based on my research, this is a western syndicated proxy war, and like Sierra
Leone, Angola and Sudan, it is war-as-cover for the rapid and unrestricted
extraction of raw materials, and war as a means to totally disenfranchise the
local people. Diamonds, gold, columbium tantalite, niobium, cobalt, manganese
and petroleum, natural gas and timber ˝ and possibly uranium -- are a few of
the major spoils being pillaged behind the scenes as war ravages DRC ˝ and some
of these minerals are almost solely found in DRC ˝ especially cobalt, niobium,
Barrick Gold provides a convenient example using war-as-cover. According to
testimony I took in western Uganda in November, Barrick Gold is operating in the
Kilo Moto mines near Bunia. These mines are reportedly protected by UPDF. An
Israeli General was awarded another Kilo Moto concession and UPDF and RCD
operate others. And there is massive ivory poaching ˝ again protection rackets
˝ going on. Barrick Advisory Board member George Bush and his CIA connections
certainly play into these mining deals and lay the groundwork ˝ a.k.a.
slaughter if necessary ˝ to get the product. That includes long-time links to
people like CIA station operative in Zaire Lawrence Devlin for example, and his
associations with the Templesmans. Look at the CIA operations in Lumumbashi and
you will probably find connections to the repression and massacres of students
at the University of Lumumbashi in the early 1990's.
George Bush apparently telephoned Mobutu just prior to the first US supported
invasion of Congo ˝ August 1996 ˝ on behalf of Swedish Financier Adolph Lundin
to negotiate a deal over the Kilo Moto fields. And the US Presidential Election
outcome of 1996 was completely irrelevant to the invasion of Zaire and the
replacement of Mobutu. Remember that Kagame was in Washington about August 1996
checking his battle plans with the Pentagon. Mobutu's days were numbered.
The US took all the right decisions to allow the Rwanda genocide to unfold.
And Clinton's comment that "we didn't know what was going on at the
time" couldn't have been a bigger lie. Do you suppose it was coincidental
that a Rwanda delegate rotated on to the security council early in 1994 and then
worked with US representatives to block all subsequent attempts to deal
appropriately with the unfolding slaughter?
The Lundin Group appears also to be involved in south Katanga, where they are
into the Tenke Fungarume copper/cobalt concessions. This is near where America
Mineral Fields International and Anglo American are operating as well. And these
are a few of the many mining companies.
All these US military programs like IMET and E-IMET, ACRI and JCET are
designed to consolidate US hegemony. UPDF and RCD and SPLA have conscripted
child soldiers. They use sophisticated weapons ˝ not only the machetes so
widely advertised by the media propaganda front of 1994 which sowed indifference
and apathy in the US public. Troops have been trained by US green berets and US
military personnel have worked to coordinate SPLA and RPF/UPDF/RCD military
campaigns. This is according to Ugandan dissidents and/or Congolese refugees
fleeing Congo and/or ex-patriots on the ground. And there are plenty of people
who support these statements.
Weapons are reportedly shipped in through Entebbe. Again, people testified to
seeing "American blacks" -- quote Negroes unquote ˝ traveling in the
area, both in Uganda and in Eastern DRC, but they are always very clandestine
and they don't mingle or talk to people. One refugee cited the locations of
jungle camps where western ˝ he said American ˝ military advisors were
training RCD or RPF or UPDF guerrillas in counterinsurgency and heavy artillery
operations. Again, this was in November.
Note that the whole Tutsi contre-genocide against Hutus is off the radar
screen of people in the US and that's because the media has covered for the
powerful interests and US agenda of consolidating power in the region by any
means necessary. In fact, the RPF have actually "turned" Interahamwe
to their service in doing the dirty work of eliminating any dissidents and
insurgents and creating a situation defined by the media as incomprehensible
It was reported to me that UPDF will disguise themselves as their enemies and
attack villages to provide justification to return and sweep ˝ a.k.a. brutalize
or rape or pillage ˝ these villages. They have also reportedly used these
tactics to substantiate their needs for international support ˝ weapons and
funds and military expertise ˝ from US and UK backers, funds and equipment
which was often diverted to the secret US SPLA war against Khartoum, for
But war doesn't seem to be essential to the plan. Multinational corporations
-- a very significant constellation of US companies and/or US citizens included
˝ are everywhere stripping the resources, leaving pollution and disease and
environmental disasters in their wakes. And you might probe into the whole
classified nuclear waste transshipments programs.
Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, Togo, Niger, Madagascar and Burkina Faso provide
examples, being massively exploited, where military repression and structural
adjustment and the concomitant destitution suffice to enable lucrative western
control and exploitation. Zambia, Tanzania, Namibia, Botswana and Ghana are a
few more examples where I have similarly witnessed profound human suffering
amidst huge multinational profits and SAP. I mean, 120 years after the British
invasion of western Zambia ˝ this is an area heavily burdened by refugee flows
out of Angola and DRC and the concomitant insecurity of insurgent nomadic
military forces -- the people have absolutely no possessions. The schools don't
exist and even if they do there are no books and the kids are so destitute that
they often can't attend in any case. You can't buy basic staples. I mean
absolutely no food, no medicine, no drugs for malaria. Some 30% of people in
Zambia don't even know that malaria is caused by mosquitoes. But you can buy
Coca-Cola and Sprite and Fanta virtually everywhere, but there are usually no
basic foodstuffs, no books, no medical supplies. You cannot imagine the
suffering until you live it yourself.
And it is no coincidence that one of the directors of Coca Cola ˝ now I
think that's a US company -- is also a Director of Elf, and ELFs corrupt
practices have been mildly exposed but very very mildly.
These wars are prosecuted by local warlords, military dictators and their
elite intelligence and security networks, typically armed, funded and trained by
western intelligence and/or ex-military and/or private security companies. And
these networks are particularly ruthless. However, again, they are directly
associated with in-country western military and intelligence advisors and their
programs. That includes Israel, US, British, German and French. But IMF/WB and
OPIC and ADB funds continue to flow, and they support selective interests and
projects and infrastructure which helps their related industries further
expropriate the resources and the people and the institutions.
Uganda provides a good example. Uganda is at war on three fronts and a
significant percentage of the IMF/WB funding which has gone into Uganda has been
diverted for military objectives. The banks which fund Uganda through the
international monetary institutions are often associated with the multinationals
involved in the plunder of raw materials. Uganda has supported the SPLA war in
southern Sudan, and I took testimony from Uganda dissidents who insist that US
military advisors have worked with the SPLA and UPDF against Khartoum.
In Cameroon, Benin, Burkina Faso, Gabon and Niger in 1997, I found abundant
evidence of unrestricted raw materials extraction by interests associated with
the United States. The people of the oil-producing areas of the Niger River
Delta are suffering horrendous atrocities. Again, on the Niger border with
Burkina -- famine, disease, despair, political repression for the most trifling
reasons -- and right next door there is a Barrick Gold mining operation. And
Sumitomo and the Keidanren (Zaibatsu) out of Japan are all involved. And people
in these (African) countries know what is going on, but they can't tell their
stories because most westerners are completely caught up in the mental illness
of colonialism and imperialism, which disallows the simple truth to be seen. And
those who tell their stories are often brutalized or disappeared.
In Zimbabwe, the issue of land and elections and Mugabe's intransigence
aside, the lasting repercussions of the Mugabe "five brigade" genocide
against the Ndebele people in Matebelelands North and South and the Midlands
provinces are heartbreaking. Here was this scorched earth campaign from 1981 to
1987 where hundreds and hundreds of thousands perished, where food was used as a
weapon and rape prevailed, and the United States diverted its eyes. And the
media knew about it but the media diverted its eyes. And this is all very
current stuff in Zimbabwe. The 1990's was more of the same in a more subtle
form. And the Ndebele people have suffered untold injustice and terror.
Meanwhile, there was plenty of mining and tobacco farming going on in
Zimbabwe and the weapons for Mugabe's dirty little secrets came from where? The
IMF and WB funded Mugabe, no matter, throughout his tenure and right up into the
late 1990's. Again, these are big banks like Chase Manhattan and First Boston
and Citicorp and the Morgan Banks -- and their directors sit on some of the
western media boards and they dictate relief operations at a certain level. And
then of course there are all these supranational multinational corporations like
Asea Brown Baveri (ABB) and Unilever and Royal Dutch Shell and Lonrho and
Citibank and Bechtel. I mean, Bechtel gets away with raping the system in Boston
˝ the 10 or 12 billion dollar overruns in the Harbor Tunnel project ˝ never
mind their tight CIA and US government interconnections, policy interventions of
dictations, and the orchestration of coups, assassinations, disappearances and
Lonrho of course is Buckingham Palace and I contend that very powerful US
citizens are tied in through companies like Brown and Root and Halliburton to
Lonrho and Lonrho interests. And please recall that Vice President Cheney is a
former Halliburton executive. And Lonrho has a lock on British media. And it is
no coincidence that Lonrho has the most elegant and modern skyscraper in
And all this is hidden by the US media. Even the village idiot, if he opens
his eyes, can see that the directors of the media corporations are the same
directors of those corporations raping Africa. But too many people have a
paycheck to worry about. And that includes humanitarian organizations and the
United Nations and the OAU and the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.
Special torture centers and death squads and massive repression of the
population are the rule in Togo, Cameroon, Kenya, Gabon, Nigeria, Zimbabwe,
Burkina Faso, and were so in Zaire. And these people ˝ Eyadema, Biya, Bongo,
Obasanjo, Abacha, Babangida, Mobutu, Compaore, Rawlings, Banda, Kaunda, Moi,
Habyarimana, Kagame, Museveni, Garang, Ratsiraka ˝ they provide the environment
for pillage, and they are duly rewarded, with power, with all the perks.
Charles Taylor was incarcerated in Charlestown Massachusetts circa 1983 or
1984 and he is the only person, I believe, in the history of the Charlestown
jail to have been broken out. Apparently the records no longer exist of his stay
there. And now he is President in Liberia?
And then you have the whole misery industry, which profits from the wars and
repression and population displacement which their affiliated institutions and
their funding banks and materials-providing multinationals create. Again, you
don't need a Ph.D. to figure out that thousands of highly paid western AID
workers would be out of a job if there were peace in Sudan. And Toyota wouldn't
sell all those shiny 4-WD SUVs. And who would buy the US made weapons? And all
that business of feeding and clothing and interning the refugees would be lost
by these multinationals who get huge tax write-offs and subsidies and whose
products are purchased by USAID or other government agencies. And some of these
relief organizations also have close ties to the corporate media executives.
So I see it as a policy of depopulation in Africa. Because what I am talking
about is access. That's all. Access to the animals. Access to the game parks and
trophy fishing. Access to the minerals. Access to the cheap and replenishable
labor pool. Access to uninformed populations to dump inferior and toxic and
outdated products on. Access for military adventurism and special forces
training and psyops operations. Access to biological and pharmaceutical testing
grounds. Access to markets. And while at times it seems contradictory, at times
it is, but it's all completely unethical, entirely arrogant and racist. It is
driven purely by greed. And the profound human suffering is totally unnecessary.
Prepared Statement of Mr. James R. Lyons
Statement regarding the April 6, 1994 assassination of the Presidents of
Rwanda and Burundi in addition to all others on board the Presidential Aircraft.
Sparta, New Jersey
April 6, 2001
I am a retired Supervisory Special Agent with the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) having served from November 1970 through July 1995. Most of
my FBI career was spent in the area of counter-terrorism in the New York Office.
I was an original member of the FBI/New York Police Department (NYPD) Domestic
Terrorism Task Force, which was formed in 1980. I was promoted to Supervisory
Special Agent in 1987 with the task of forming a second task force to address
the growing threat of international terrorism. In that capacity, I performed
supervisory investigative duties in numerous terrorist bombing and political
assassination cases commited by various international terrorist groups from all
over the world. In addition, I was the FBI, New York Office on site supervisor
following the bombings of the World Trade Center and was detailed as a
supervisor to the post blast investigation following the bombing of the Murrah
Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
In February 1996, I was contracted by the US Department of State as an
investigator for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Shortly
after my arrival in Kigali, I was appointed the Commander of Investigations,
which was actually a United Nations staff post. At that time there was a Deputy
Prosecutor, Honre Rokatomanana, a Director of Investigations, Al Breau and only
twenty-three investigators. Seventeen of the investigators were police officers
seconded to the ICTR by the Government of the Netherlands.
At that time, the strategy of the Director of Investigations with the
approval of the Deputy Prosecutor, was to identify victims/witnesses to the
genocide in the western and southern Prefectures such as Kibuye and Butare and
obtain signed statements implicating the targets who were the Prefects, communal
officials, local leaders of the Hutu Interahamwe militia, and local businessmen.
The strategy was to charge these individuals in connection with the Genocide
with the hope of gaining the cooperation of some in order to move up the ladder
to the "Big Fish." There was a separate investigation into the role of
the media in inciting the Hutu population to violence against the Tutsi and
moderate Hutu. In view of the lack of manpower and other resources, other
avenues, such as investigating the role of national political and military
leaders were put on hold.
In March/April, 1994, more investigators began to arrive, including Michael
Hourigan, a former Australian Crown Prosecutor. In view of the influx of a few
more investigators, I and the Director of Investigations agreed that a new
"National Investigative Team" be formed to target those responsible
for the planning of and the eventual execution of the Genocide and at my
suggestion, Mr. Hourigan was appointed the Team Leader. The team began with
three investigators but eventually grew to twenty members representing the
nations of Holland, Germany, the United States, Canada, Senegal, Mali, Tunisia,
Madagascar and others.
The National Team was given the task of investigating a number of the ICTR's
most important lines of inquiry. Principal among these tasks were:
1. The Investigation and prosecution of Colonel Theoneste Bagosora,
considered to be the leading Hutu military force behind the Genocide.
2. The investigation and prosecution of persons with overall responsibility
for the selected killings of Rwandan political leaders and intellegencia by
elite Presidential Guard kill teams, which occurred during the first 48-72 hours
of the downing of the president's airplane.
3. The investigation and prosecution of persons responsible for the rocket
attack on April 6, 1994, which resulted in the downing of the Presidential
Airplane, killing Rwanda President Juvenal Habyarimana, Burundi President
Cyprien Ntaryamira, the French crew and all others aboard.
As the Commander of Investigations, I believed that the investigation of the
rocket attack was within the mandate of the ICTR. It was the spark that ignited
all of Rwanda into a conflagration, which would ultimately take the lives of
700,000 to 1,000,000 men, women and children. The UN Security Council had
expressed its abhorrence at this terrorist attack and had directed that all
information regarding the event be gathered. The ICTR Statute, Article 4,
specifically included Acts of Terrorism in its list of offenses. In my view,
there was more than ample justification for the ICTR to consider the rocket
attack as an international criminal event falling well within its jurisdiction.
No member of the ICTR leadership ever suggested to me that this investigation
was outside our mandate. On the contrary, discussions among senior personnel
concerned the enormous challenge that lay ahead to identify those responsible.
The National Team's investigation was thorough but slow moving initially. The
world community had long attributed the attack to hard line Hutus close to the
President but there was no evidence supporting that theory. There was some
speculation that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was responsible and there
were bits of information to support that view.
The National Team obtained information in 1996 that a United Nations
Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) soldier had overheard a radio broadcast
over an RPF network shortly after the plane crash saying that the target has
been hit. In addition, there was a report that a soldier in the Armed Forces of
Rwanda (FAR) heard the same or a similar broadcast.
Mr. Hourigan regularly briefed me and other senior ICTR staff members on the
progress of the investigations and that always included the plane crash
investigation. Hourigan and some members of his team briefed Chief Prosecutor
Louise Arbour during one of her few visits to Kigali. At no time did Judge
Arbour relay to me, or to my knowledge, any other senior investigator that the
plane crash was outside the mandate of the ICTR.
I always worked closely with Mr. Hourigan and his team and was continually
briefed on developments. In February 1997, there was a dramatic turn of events
in the investigation when three potential cooperating witnesses came forward.
Two of the witnesses knew of each other's cooperation. The third was independent
and we believe, had no knowledge of the other two. The witnesses were all past
or present members of the RPF and because of their duties were in a position to
personally know the accuracy of information being furnished.
The information furnished, although untested, was extremely detailed to the
point of naming individuals involved in the planning and the execution of the
rocket attack. The sources advised that the then leader of the RPF, General Paul
Kagame, formed a commando type group referred to as the "network" and
that he and his senior advisors had put into affect the plan to shoot down the
Presidential aircraft as it approached Kigali Airport.
During the last days of February 1997 I was present with Mr. Hourigan at the
US Embassy in Kigali. He placed a call to Judge Arbour in The Hague on the
Embassy secure telephone line. He briefed her on the latest developments in the
plane crash investigation. It was obvious to me, from listening to Mr.
Hourigan's side of the conversation, that Judge Arbour was pleased with the
progress of the case and enthusiastic about continuing the investigation. Later,
Mr. Hourigan advised me that Judge Arbour asked him to travel to The Hague so
that they could further discuss this matter personally.
On the first Monday in March, 1997 I returned to the United States as my
contract was finished and I did not choose to extend it. I later had a telephone
conversation with Mr. Hourigan during which he advised me that during his
meeting with Judge Arbour, she unexpectedly ordered him to shut down the
investigation. She explained that the shooting down of the President's airplane
was a crime outside the jurisdiction of the ICTR.
Prepared Statement of Wayne Madsen
Wayne Madsen is an investigative journalist who has written for The
Village Voice, The Progressive, CAQ, and the Intelligence Newsletter. He is the
author of Genocide and Covert Activities in Africa 1993-1999 (Lewiston, NY:
Edwin Mellen, 1999), an expose of U.S. and French intelligence activities in
Africa's recent civil wars and ethnic rebellions. He served as an on-air East
Africa analyst for ABC News in the aftermath of the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings
in Kenya and Tanzania. Mr. Madsen has appeared on 60 Minutes, World News
Tonight, Nightline, 20/20, MS-NBC, and NBC Nightly News, among others. He has
been frequently quoted by the Associated Press, foreign wire services, and many
national and international newspapers.
Mr. Madsen is also the author of a motion picture screen play treatment
about the nuclear submarine USS Scorpion. He is a former U.S. Naval Officer and
worked for the National Security Agency and U.S. Naval Telecommunications
I wish to discuss the record of American policy in Africa over most of the
past decade, particularly that involving the central African Great Lakes region.
It is a policy that has rested, in my opinion, on the twin pillars of
unrestrained military aid and questionable trade. The military aid programs of
the United States, largely planned and administered by the U.S. Special
Operations Command and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), have been both
overt and covert.
ACRI, ACSS, and the covert programs all involve the use of private military
training firms and logistics support contractors that are immune to Freedom of
Information Act requests. More troubling than these overt problems are those
that involve covert assistance to the Rwandan and Ugandan militaries. Sources in
the Great Lakes region consistently report the presence of a U.S.-built military
base near Cyangugu, Rwanda, near the Congolese border. The base, reported to
have been partly constructed by the U.S. firm Brown & Root, a subsidiary of
Halliburton, is said to be involved with training RPF forces and providing
logistics support to their troops in the DRC.
The increasing reliance by the Department of Defense on so-called Private
Military Contractors (PMCs) is of special concern. Many of these PMCs -- once
labeled as "mercenaries" by previous administrations when they were
used as foreign policy instruments by the colonial powers of France, Belgium,
Portugal, and South Africa -- have close links with some of the largest mining
and oil companies involved in Africa today. PMCs, because of their proprietary
status, have a great deal of leeway to engage in covert activities far from the
reach of congressional investigators. They can simply claim that their business
in various nations is a protected trade secret and the law now seems to be on
THE DESTABILIZATION OF AFRICA
America's policy toward Africa during the past decade, rather than seeking to
stabilize situations where civil war and ethnic turmoil reign supreme, has
seemingly promoted destabilization. Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
was fond of calling pro-U.S. military leaders in Africa who assumed power by
force and then cloaked themselves in civilian attire, "beacons of
In reality, these leaders, who include the current presidents of Uganda,
Rwanda, Ethiopia, Angola, Eritrea, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo preside over countries where ethnic and civil turmoil permit unscrupulous
international mining companies to take advantage of the strife to fill their own
coffers with conflict diamonds, gold, copper, platinum, and other precious
minerals ˝ including one that is a primary component of computer microchips.
Some of the companies involved in this new "scramble for Africa"
have close links with PMCs and America's top political leadership. For example,
America Minerals Fields, Inc., a company that was heavily involved in promoting
the 1996 accession to power of the late Congolese President Laurent-DesirÚ
Kabila, was, at the time of its involvement in the Congo's civil war,
headquartered in Hope, Arkansas. Its major stockholders included long-time
associates of former President Clinton going back to his days as Governor of
Arkansas. America Mineral Fields also reportedly enjoys a close relationship
with Lazare Kaplan International, Inc., a major international diamond brokerage
whose president remains a close confidant of past and current administrations on
One of the major goals of the Rwandan-backed Rassemblement Congolais pour la
dÚmocratie (RCD), a group fighting the Kabila government in Congo, is
restoration of mining concessions for Barrick Gold, Inc. of Canada. In fact, the
rebel RCD government's "mining minister" signed a separate mining deal
with Barrick in early 1999. Among the members of Barrick's International
Advisory Board are former President Bush and former President Clinton's close
confidant Vernon Jordan.
Currently, Barrick and tens of other mining companies are stoking the flames
of the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Each benefits by the
de facto partition of the country into some four separate zones of political
control. First the mineral exploiters from Rwanda and Uganda concentrated on
pillaging gold and diamonds from the eastern Congo. Now, they have increasingly
turned their attention to a valuable black sand called columbite-tantalite or
"col-tan." Col-tan is a key material in computer chips and, therefore,
is as considered a strategic mineral. It is my hope that the Bush administration
will take pro-active measures to stem this conflict by applying increased
pressure on Uganda and Rwanda to withdraw their troops from the country.
However, the fact that President Bush has selected Walter Kansteiner to be
Assistant Secretary of State for African, portends, in my opinion, more trouble
for the Great Lakes region. A brief look at Mr. Kansteiner's curriculum vitae
and statements calls into question his commitment to seeking a durable peace in
the region. For example, he has envisaged the splitting up of the Great Lakes
region into separate Tutsi and Hutu states through "relocation"
efforts and has called the break-up of the DRC inevitable. I believe
Kansteiner's previous work at the Department of Defense where he served on a
Task Force on Strategic Minerals ˝ and one must certainly consider col-tan as
falling into that category -- may influence his past and current thinking on the
territorial integrity of the DRC. After all, 80 per cent of the world's known
reserves of col-tan are found in the eastern DRC. It is potentially as important
to the U.S. military as the Persian Gulf region.
The U.S. military and intelligence agencies, which have supported Uganda and
Rwanda in their cross-border adventures in the DRC, have resisted peace
initiatives and have failed to produce evidence of war crimes by the Ugandans
and Rwandans and their allies in Congo. The CIA, NSA, and DIA should turn over
to international investigators both signals intelligence and human intelligence
evidence in their possession, as well as overhead imagery, including thermal
imagery indicating the presence of mass graves and when they were dug. There
must be a full accounting before the Congress by the staff of the U.S. Defense
Attache's Office in Kigali who served there from early 1994 to the present time.
A LINGERING QUESTION ON ASSASSINATIONS
The present turmoil in central Africa largely stems from a fateful incident
that occurred on April 6, 1994. That was the missile attack on the Rwandan
presidential aircraft that resulted in the death of Rwanda's Hutu President
Juvenal Habyarimana, his colleague President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi,
Habyarimana's chief advisers, and the French crew.
This aerial assassination resulted in a genocide coordinated by the successor
militant Hutu Rwandan government that cost the lives of some 800,000 Tutsis and
moderate Hutus. This was followed by a counter-genocide orchestrated by the
Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) government that resulted in the deaths of
500,000 mostly Hutu refugees in Rwanda and neighboring Zaire/Congo.
No one has even identified the assassins of the two presidents let alone
sought to bring them to justice. There have been a number of national and
international commissions that have looked into the causes for the Rwandan
genocide. These have included investigations by the Belgian Senate, the French
National Assembly, the United Nations, and the Organization of African Unity.
None of these investigations have identified the perpetrators of the aerial
assassination. In 1998, French Judge Jean-Louis BruguiŔre launched an
investigation of the aircraft attack. After interviewing witnesses in
Switzerland, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Russia, BruguiŔre apparently has enough
evidence to issue an international arrest warrant for President Kagame. A former
French Judge, Thierry Jean-Pierre, now a Member of the European Parliament, in
an entirely separate and private investigation, came to the same conclusion that
Kagame was behind the attack. The United States government must come to its
senses, as it did with past intelligence assets like Sadaam Hussein, Alberto
Fujimori, General Suharto, Ferdinand Marcos, and Manuel Noriega, and support a
judicial accounting by Kagame. If it is proven that U.S. citizens were in any
way involved in planning the assassination, they should also be brought to
justice before the international war crimes tribunal.
Immediately after the attack on the presidential plane, much of the popular
press in the United States brandished the theory that militant Hutus brought it
down. I suggest that following some four years of research concentrating on the
missile attack, there is no basis for this conclusion. In fact, I believe there
is concrete evidence to show that the plane was shot down by operatives of the
RPF. At the time, the RPF was supported by the United States and its major ally
in the region, Uganda. Prior to the attack, the RPF leader, the current Rwandan
strongman General Paul Kagame, received military training at the U.S. Army
Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Many of Kagame's
subordinate's received similar training, including instruction in the use of
surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) at the Barry Goldwater Air Force Range at Luke
Air Force Base, Arizona. It was Soviet-designed SAMs that were used to shoot
down the Rwandan president's airplane. By its own admission, the U.S. Defense
Department provided official military training to the RPF beginning in January
1994, three months before the missile attack on the aircraft.
In testimony before the French inquiry commission, former French Minister for
International Cooperation Bernard DebrÚ insisted that the two SAM-16s used in
the attack on the aircraft were procured from Ugandan military stocks and were
"probably delivered by the Americans . . . from the Gulf War." He was
supported by two former heads of the French foreign intelligence service (DGSE)
Jacques Dewatre and Claude Silberzahn, as well as General Jean Heinrich, the
former head of French military intelligence (DRM). Former moderate Hutu Defense
Minister James Gasana, who served under Habyarimana from April 1992 to July
1993, stated before the French inquiry that his government declined to purchase
SAMs because they realized the RPF had no planes and, therefore, procurement of
such weapons would have been a waste of money.
The contention by French government officials that the RPF was responsible
for the aerial attack is supported by three former RPF intelligence officers who
disclosed details of the operation to UN investigators. The three informants
were rated as Category 2 witnesses on a 4-point scale where 1 is highly credible
and 2 is "true but untested." The RPF informants claim the plane was
downed by an elite 10-member RPF team with the "assistance of a foreign
government." Some of the team members are apparently now deceased. A
confidential UN report on the plane attack was delivered to the head of the UN
War Crimes Tribunal, Judge Louise Arbour of Canada, but was never made public.
In fact, Arbour terminated the investigation when details of the RPF's
involvement in the assassination became clear. The UN now denies such a report
exists. Michael Hourigan, an Australian lawyer who first worked as an
International War Crimes Tribunal investigator and then for the UN's Office of
Internal Oversight Services, confirmed that the initial war crimes investigation
team uncovered evidence of the RPF's involvement in the attack but their efforts
were undercut by senior UN staff.
After the former RPF intelligence team revealed details of the attack, they
were supported by yet another former RPF intelligence officer named Jean Pierre
Mugabe. In a separate declaration, Mugabe contended that the assassination was
directed by Kagame and RPF deputy commander-in-chief James Kabarebe. The RPF,
according to Mugabe, campaigned extensively for the regional peace meeting in
Dar es Salaam from which Habyarimana was returning when he was assassinated.
Mugabe claimed the idea was to collect the top Hutu leadership on the plane in
order to easily eliminate them in the attack.
Yet another defector from the RPF, Christophe Hakizabera, in a declaration to
a UN investigation commission, states that the "foreign power" that
helped the RPF shoot down the airplane was, in fact, Uganda. According to
Hakizabera, the first and second assassination planning meetings were held in
Uganda in the towns of Kabale and Mbarara, respectively. A third, in which
Kagame was present, was held in March 1994 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso. As
it did with the three other RPF defectors, the UN took no action as a result of
this complaint. It appears, and this is supported by private conversations I
have had with former UN officials, that some other party is calling the shots in
the world body's investigation of human rights violations in Africa.
The involvement of Uganda in the assassination tends to support the
contention of the former French government ministers that the SAMs were provided
to Uganda by the United States from captured Iraqi arms caches during Desert
Storm. My own research indicates that these missiles were delivered to Uganda
via a CIA-run arms depot outside of Cairo, Egypt. After the transfer, Uganda
kept some of the missiles and launchers for its own armed forces and delivered
the remainder to the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the RPF.
Other evidence pointing to an RPF role in the attack includes COMINT
(communications intelligence) picked up by military units and civilian radio
operators in Rwanda. A Rwandan Armed Forces COMINT listening station picked up a
transmission on an RPF frequency, which stated "the target is hit."
This was reported to a Togolese member of the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR).
A Belgian amateur radio operator reported that after the attack, he heard
someone on a frequency used by a Belgian PMC in Kigali state, "We killed Le
Grand (Habyarimana)." The Belgian operator also stated that all Rwandan
Armed Forces messages following the attack indicated the Rwandan army was in
complete disarray ˝ something that would not have been the case had the Rwandan
government perpetrated the attack on its own president. Another source of COMINT
was a French signals intelligence unit sent to Kigali from the French military
base in Bangui, Central African Republic. According to French Judge Jean-Pierre,
copies of French intercepts of RPF communications indicate, beyond a doubt, the
culpability of the RPF in the attack on the aircraft.
Some formerly classified US State Department cables, which I received
following a Freedom of Information Act request, reveal that the U.S. foreign
policy establishment was of two minds over the April 6 attack. The U.S. Embassy
in Burundi kept a surprisingly open mind about its theories about the missile
attack, even suggesting a Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) role in it. Other U.S.
diplomatic posts, most notably that in Kigali, seemed to follow the script that
the aircraft was downed by hard-line Hutus who wanted to implement a
well-planned genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
A May 25 1994 Secret message from the Department of State to all African
diplomatic posts also reports that "the RPF has summarily executed Hutu
militia alleged to have been involved in the massacres and the RPF has admitted
to such killings." The same message states that "Rwandan government
officials who controlled the airport" or "French military
officials" recovered the downed presidential aircraft's black box after
securing the airport and removing the body of the French pilot from
Habyarimana's plane. However, according to officials I interviewed who were
involved with UN air movements in the region, the black box was secretly
transported to UN Headquarters in New York where it remains to this day.
Officially, the Rwandan government claims the black box went missing. According
to the UN investigators, the black box was spirited away by UN officials from
Kigali to New York via Nairobi. In addition, this shipment was known to US
government officials. According to the UN sources, data from the black box is
being withheld by the UN under pressure from our own government. The
investigators also revealed that RPF forces controlled three major approaches to
Kayibanda Airport on the evening of the attack and that European mercenaries, in
the pay of the RPF and US intelligence, planned and launched the missile attack
on the Mystere-Falcon. The CIA figured prominently in the UN investigation of
the missile attack. According to the investigators, the search for the assassins
ultimately led to a warehouse in Kanombe, near the airport. From this warehouse,
during the afternoon of April 6, the missile launchers were assembled and
readied for action by the mercenaries. As the UN investigation team was nearing
its final conclusion and was prepared to turn up evidence indicating the
warehouse had been leased by a Swiss company, said to be linked to U.S.
intelligence, its mandate was swiftly terminated.
It is clear that the United States, contrary to comments made by its senior
officials, including former President Clinton, played more of a role in the
Rwandan tragedy than it readily admits. This involvement continued through the
successive Rwandan and Ugandan-led invasions of neighboring Zaire/Congo.
Speculation that Rwanda was behind the recent assassination of President Laurent
Kabila in Congo (and rumors that the CIA was behind it) has done little to put
the United States in a favorable light in the region. After all the date of
Kabila's assassination ˝ January 16 this year -- was practically 40 years from
the very day of the CIA-planned and executed assassination of Congolese leader
Patrice Lumumba. The quick pace at which Kabila's son and successor Joseph
Kabila visited the United States ˝ at the same time of Kagame's presence, and
his subsequent meetings with Corporate Council for Africa officials and Maurice
Tempelsman (the majordomo of U.S. Africa policy), calls into question what the
United States knew about the assassination and when it knew about it.
Also, particularly troublesome is a conclusion the CIA is said to have
reached in an assessment written in January 1994, a few months before the
genocide. According to key officials I have interviewed during my research, that
analysis came to the conclusion that in the event that President Habyarimana was
assassinated, the minimum number of deaths resulting from the mayhem in Rwanda
would be 500 (confined mostly to Kigali and environs) and the maximum 500,000.
Regrettably, the CIA's higher figure was closer to reality.
Certain interests in the United States had reason to see Habyarimana and
other pro-French leaders in central Africa out of the way. As recently written
by Gilbert Ngijol, a former Assistant to the Special Representative of the
Secretary General of the UN to Rwanda in 1994, the United States directly
benefited economically from the loss of influence of French and Belgian mining
interests in the central Africa and Great Lakes regions.
There is also reason to believe that a number of people with knowledge of
Kagame's plot against the presidential aircraft have been assassinated. These
possibly include Tanzania's former intelligence chief, Major General Imran Kombe,
shot dead by policemen in northeastern Tanzania after he was mistaken for a
notorious car thief. His wife maintains he was assassinated. Kombe had knowledge
of not only the planned assassination of the Rwandan and Burundian presidents
but a plot against Kenya's President Moi and Zaire's President Mobutu, as well.
There is a belief that Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bukavu, Emmanuel Kataliko,
was assassinated last October in Rome by members of a Rwandan hit team acting on
orders from Kagame. Other Tutsi and Hutu leaders who oppose Kagame's regime
continue to flee Rwanda to the U.S. and France in fear of their lives. Rwanda's
figurehead Hutu President Pasteur Bizimungu was forced to resign last year under
pressure from the only power in Rwanda, his then-Vice President, Paul Kagame.
Deus Kagiraneza, a former intelligence officer in Kagame's Military Intelligence
Directorate (DMI), interim Prefect of the Ruhengeri province, and member of the
Parliament, is now in exile in Belgium. He charges that Kagame's top government
and military are responsible for torturing and executing their political
opponents. Kagiraneza maintains that the RPF has pursued such policies since the
time of the 1990 invasion of Rwanda from Uganda.
It is beyond time for the Congress to seriously examine the role of the
United States in the genocide and civil wars of central Africa, as well as the
role that PMCs currently play in other African trouble spots like Nigeria,
Sierra Leone, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Ethiopia, and Cabinda. Other nations,
some with less than stellar records in Africa ˝ France and Belgium, for example
˝ have had no problem examining their own roles in Africa's last decade of
turmoil. At the very least, the United States, as the world's leading democracy,
owes Africa at least the example of a critical self-inspection.